When Lala Mustafa invaded in the summer of 1570 from the coast of Larnaca, at the head of the Ottoman fleet with 180,000 soldiers, there were no Turks waiting to welcome him at the quay.
He disembarked, advanced inland, and slaughtered anyone who did not fall to their knees to worship him. He easily reached the outskirts of Nicosia and camped in Nissou and the surrounding area in order to organize his final assault.
The Venetians, who at that time ruled the whole of Cyprus, were expecting the invasion, which was their worst nightmare. They demolished churches, old buildings, and shanties and, at great speed, within a period of three years, built the walls of Nicosia—at least as much as they managed, since they completed only the first ring before the Ottoman attack began. They consolidated the city so that it could withstand an assault and planned to erect a second ring of walls, but time did not allow it.
The fortification works were designed by Paolo Savorgnano, the chief military engineer of Venetian fortifications in their various Mediterranean possessions—the same man who designed the fortifications of Heraklion in Crete and elsewhere.
Diversion of the Pedieos River and the Moat
As part of the design, the Venetians diverted the course of the Pedieos River and attempted, if possible, to fill the moat with water, making the task of any would-be conquerors even more difficult. They did not have time to accomplish much: the Ottoman horde thirsted for new conquests and blood.
The struggle was merciless. The repeated assaults of Islamic fanatics were repelled by Venetian cannons, and the defenders rotated shifts for over a month on the bastions. At the moat of Bayraktar—where the related mosque stands today—the defensive line broke. The standard-bearer managed to climb the walls and plant the banner. When the Anatolian hordes saw this, they surged forward, entering the city and striking the rear of the heroic Venetian fighters.
The Bayraktar was killed on the spot, but the damage had been done. The Ottomans, thirsting for blood, rape, and plunder, entered Nicosia. Gunpowder had run out for the heroic defenders, and the end had come for all the aristocratic families of the city—and not only them. Ottoman swords worked relentlessly. Mounted and foot soldiers, screaming as they invaded, beheaded anyone they encountered.
Account of an English Traveler
A characteristic description comes from an English traveler of the time who had been trapped in the city and survived the massacre:
“… The nurse was running together with her mistress through the street to hide, when a Turkish dagger sliced through the air and the head of her lady, which spun like a ball through the air. The nurse stopped, opened her apron, took it, and ran holding the severed head of her mistress to hide. She did not manage to take many steps before she too was beheaded by Ottoman fury. Neither nurses nor servants, neither noblewomen nor young or old nor small children of Venetian origin were spared by the invaders. The order was ‘kill them all.’”
Along with them, members of the local population—Greek Cypriots who served their lords—were also executed. Most of the Greek population was saved, as were some Venetians who fled to the mountains and central Cyprus. According to foreign sources, the streets of the city ran red with the blood that flowed. Proportionally to the population, the massacre is described as greater than that of the Fall of Constantinople.
Even worse followed in Famagusta, with the execution of Marcantonio Bragadin and the entire Venetian aristocracy, despite the agreement that had been made to surrender the city and depart with their galleys.
How the Turkish Cypriots Emerged
The Ottomans conquered Cyprus in 1571, and it is evident that there was no Turkish population on the island at that time. After establishing their rule and exterminating the Venetians, they divided the territory into pashaliks and left small, limited garrisons to supervise them. The fleet, together with the main body of the army, sailed elsewhere.
The question that arises is where the large number of Turkish Cypriots came from today, how they emerged, and how they constitute part of the Cyprus problem.
There are many theories and interpretations regarding their presence, drawn from scattered historical sources.
They were individuals who converted from the Greek and Maronite communities of Cyprus in order to escape oppressive taxation and to enjoy the benefits of the ruling class. These individuals adapted according to political circumstances and changing times.
Panagiotis Hatzidimitriou writes that a significant percentage of the so-called Linobambaki today constitute a large part of the Turkish Cypriot community. As he explains, these Cypriots share the same origins as Greek Cypriots. Evidence of this is the many Turkish Cypriot villages bearing the names of saints.
Dr. Phaedon Th. Papadopoulos, theologian and scholar of religions, analyzes the issue of the Linobambaki—crypto-Christians of Cyprus—who, due to unbearable taxation and other pressures during Ottoman occupation, declared themselves Muslims. However, when Cyprus came under British colonial rule, a large percentage of the Linobambaki returned en masse to the Christian Orthodox community of Cyprus. The policies of the British colonial authorities, disputes within the Church of Cyprus over the archiepiscopal throne, and other factors played a significant role in halting this reintegration.
Common Roots
Conditions during British rule did not allow all crypto-Christians, known as Linobambaki, to return to the Christian community.
In two books by Dr. Phaedon Papadopoulos, the composition of the Cypriot population is documented in detail.
With British control of Cyprus, the Linobambaki returned en masse to the Christian community. In some communities, census records show residents listed as Muslims in one census and as Christians in the next. Thousands of Cypriots declared themselves Muslims by religion while stating Greek as their mother tongue.
There are examples of communities where residents collectively returned to Christianity. According to Dr. Papadopoulos, such villages are found mainly in the Limassol district, including Akrounta, Agios Tychonas, Mathikoloni, Monagroulli, Palodia, Fasoula, Phinikia, Pyrgos, Pano Kivides, and Limnitis.
In the Nicosia district: Varisia, Lythrodontas, and Evrychou.
In the Larnaca district: Livadia and Choirokoitia.
In the Paphos district: Mamonia and Kritou-Marottou.
In the Famagusta district: Liopetri.
Large percentages of population reintegrating into Christianity are also recorded in many other communities.
The Linobambaki
The term Linobambaki, according to Dr. Papadopoulos, derives from a garment with two sides—cotton and linen. The outer cotton side represents the apparent identity of the crypto-Christians, while the inner side represents their hidden religious identity.
Dr. Papadopoulos has published two books on the Linobambaki of Cyprus, presenting highly significant documents:
- Turks, Muslims or Crypto-Christians (Linobambaki)? Familiarization with the Co-resident Element
- The Territorial and Demographic Aspect of the Cyprus Problem: Maps and Percentages in the Light of History
These books present census documents showing villages where the entire population is recorded as Muslim in one census and Christian in the next. They also publish a letter dated 6 January 1882 from residents of the villages of Ambelia and Pyrgos in the Tillyria region, requesting registration as Christians.
Document
The phenomenon of Linobambaki returning is particularly evident in the Tillyria region, commonly acknowledged as Linobambakic. The letter of the Linobambaki of Ambelia and Pyrgos Tillyrias to the Administrator of Nicosia is quoted verbatim below:
“Most Honorable Administrator of Nicosia, Mr. Inglis,
We, the undersigned Linobambaki of the village of Ambelia and Pyrgos of Tillyria in the district of Lefka, respectfully present this humble petition to inform Your Excellency that until now, although being Orthodox Christians in secret due to fear of the Turks governing Cyprus, we were compelled to appear openly as Mohammedans. Now, under the free and religiously tolerant government of the August Queen of the great English nation, we are encouraged no longer to conceal our religious convictions and declare that henceforth we wish to openly profess the Orthodox Christian faith. We trust, Most Honorable Sir, that our request will be heard and that you will order the appropriate actions.
We remain the humble servants of Your Excellency.
Ambelia, 6 January 1882.”
The Interruption of Reintegration
According to the data presented by Dr. Papadopoulos, the period 1878–1914 constitutes the timeframe during which the developments concerning the Linobambaki community occurred, especially those of a mass character. During this period, communities described as Muslim, Linobambakic, or mixed returned definitively to Christianity, while others remained permanently in Islam.
The phenomenon reached such proportions that the expected outcome was the reintegration of all Linobambaki into the Orthodox community. This did not occur, and according to Dr. Papadopoulos, the main reasons were:
- The effort to reintegrate Linobambaki did not always receive appropriate support from members and leadership of the Orthodox community, allowing Muslim efforts to retain them within Islam to succeed. This coincided with internal disputes in the Church of Cyprus over the archiepiscopal throne.
- The British administration, for political reasons, not only did not encourage the return of the Linobambaki but actively discouraged it, with bureaucracy being a major obstacle.
- A significant number of Linobambaki, due to military service, mixed marriages, and prolonged life under a Muslim identity, ultimately inclined toward Islam.
- Uncertainty regarding Cyprus’s political future, particularly rumors of a return of Ottoman rule, discouraged open expression of Christian faith.
Evidence
Evidence is not limited to saint names in Turkish Cypriot villages, but also includes numerous churches and chapels in many Turkish Cypriot villages. There are entire communities where Turkish Cypriot residents knew no language other than Greek. For example, in Louroujina (Nicosia district), until 1930 students of the so-called Muslim school—and their parents—spoke Greek and invoked the Virgin Mary in times of hardship or injury. Greek was also exclusively spoken in the Turkish Cypriot village of Galinoporni in Karpasia. Even today, there are elderly Turkish Cypriots whose only known language is Greek.
Notably, in a census, several thousand residents declared themselves Muslim by religion and Greek as their mother tongue.
During British rule, the Church assisted several Linobambaki communities and individuals in returning to Christianity, including support for building churches and schools. However, this effort was neither universal nor continuous, partly due to the crisis within the Church.
The Role of Evkaf
Significant efforts to retain the Linobambaki within the Muslim sphere were undertaken by religious and other figures of the Islamic community. Through initiatives of Evkaf and the support of wealthy Muslims, mosques and schools were built in villages of Tillyria.
Dr. Phaedon Papadopoulos maintains that very few Turkish Cypriots have roots in the geographical area of Turkey. He adds that Muslims who came to Cyprus during Ottoman rule originated from various Arab countries, such as Syria, but over time were imposed with a Turkish identity.
The core of the Turkish Cypriot population, it is argued, consisted of crypto-Christians—Linobambaki. It is even difficult to describe Turkish Cypriots as Muslims, since most are not religious and do not retain Islamic religious sentiment. On the contrary, many Turkish Cypriots retain Christian religious sentiment.
Villages of Saints and Turkish Cypriots
According to the 1960 population census, Cyprus had 634 settlements (villages), of which 117 were purely Muslim (Turkish Cypriot). This does not mean, as Dr. Papadopoulos emphasizes, that these communities were always Muslim. On the contrary, sufficient historical evidence demonstrates the Christian past of the overwhelming majority of them.
Characteristic are purely Turkish Cypriot villages bearing the names of saints.
In the Nicosia district: Agios Epifanios Soleas, Agios Theodoros Tillyrias, Agios Ioannis Selemanni.
In the Limassol district: Agios Thomas.
In the Famagusta district: Agios Andronikos (Topsou Köyü), Agios Efstathios, Agios Iakovos, Agios Symeon, Agios Chariton.
In the Paphos district: Agios Georgios, Agios Ioannis.
Saint names are also found in mixed villages such as Agia Marina Skyllouras, Agios Georgios Lefkas, Agios Sozomenos (Nicosia district), Agios Andronikos (Karpasia), Agia Anna, Agios Theodoros (Larnaca district), Agia Varvara, Agios Isidoros, Agios Nikolaos (Paphos district), Agia Eirini, and Agios Epiktitos (Kyrenia district).
The long-time Turkish Cypriot leader Rauf Denktaş originated from a village bearing the name of a saint—Agios Epifanios Soleas—where in an initial census the overwhelming majority of inhabitants were recorded as Christians, while in a subsequent census all inhabitants were declared Ottoman.
